On a beautiful spring day, when the skies of the Holy Land
are tender blue and the grass is a verdant green, air-conditioned buses
ferry tourists from the City of the Plain to the City in the Mountains. A
small distance past the halfway point, just beyond the reconstructed
Ottoman inn of Bab al-Wad, the Gate of the Valley, the bus drives by the
red-painted skeletons of armored vehicles. This is where the tour guides
make their routine pitch. "These vehicles are in memory of the heroic
break-through of Jews relieving the blockade of Jerusalem imposed by the
aggression of nine Arab states". The number of Arab states varies
with the mood of the guide and how they size up their audience.
The battle for the road to Jerusalem was a high point of
the 1948 Civil war in Palestine, and it ended with the Zionist Jews of the
Plain capturing the prosperous West End of Jerusalem with its white stone
mansions of Arab nobles and German, Greek and Armenian merchants. In the
course of these battles they also subdued the neutral, non-Zionist Jewish
neighborhoods. Zionists expelled the Gentiles in a massive sweep of ethnic
cleansing and contained the local Jews in the ghetto. In order to achieve
this feat, they razed to the ground the Palestinian villages on their path
to the city.
The rusted junk is barely an adequate backdrop for the
standard Israeli narration, and they would not qualify for a realistic
film production. It is a staged scene that lacks the authentic look needed
by movie directors. The story of the blockade and aggression is a theater
play, not a cinema script. It is an encore performance for the tourist
receiving indoctrination on the non-stop trip to the Wailing Wall and the
Holocaust Museum.
The war for this road was over in April 1948, weeks before
Israel declared independence on 15th of May, before the hapless rag-tag
units of Arab neighbors entered Palestine and saved what remained of the
native population. As T.S. Elliot observed, April is the cruellest month.
And so it was on that fateful April when the Palestinians were doomed to
start a journey to five decades of exile. Its apotheosis was reached near
the entrance to Jerusalem, where the Sacharov gardens lead to a cemetery,
to a lunatic asylum and to Deir Yassin.
Death has many names. The Czechs call it Lidice, the
French word is Oradur, in Vietnamese they use My Lai, for every
Palestinian, it is Deir Yassin. On the night of the ninth of April 1948,
the Jewish terrorist groups Etzel and Lehi attacked the peaceful village
and massacred its men, women and children. I do not want to repeat the
gory tale of sliced off ears, gutted bellies, raped women, torched men,
bodies dumped in stone quarries or the triumphal parade of the murderers.
Existentially, all massacres are similar, from Babi Yar to Chain Gang to
Deir Yassin.
Yet, the Deir Yassin massacre is special for three
reasons. One, it is well documented and witnessed. Other Jewish fighters
from the Hagana and Palmach, Jewish scouts, Red Cross representatives and
the British police of Jerusalem left complete records of the event. It was
just one of many massacres of Palestinians by the Jews during the war of
1948, but none received as much attention. This is probably due to the
fact that Jerusalem, the seat of the British Mandate in Palestine, was
just around the corner.
Second, Deir Yassin had dire consequences, beyond its own
tragic fate. The horror of the massacre facilitated the mass flight from
nearby Palestinian villages and gave the Jews full control over the
western approaches to Jerusalem. The flight was a prudent and rational
choice for the civilian population. As I write this, my TV glares with the
image of Macedonian peasants fleeing a war zone. My mother’s family
escaped from a burning Minsk on June 22, 1941, and survived. My father’s
family remained and perished. After the war my parents could return like
other war refugees. The Palestinians, however, have not been allowed to
come back, until this very day.
Three, the careers of the murderers. The commanders of the
Etzel and Lehi gangs, Menahem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir eventually became
Israeli prime ministers. None of them expressed any remorse, and Menahem
Begin lived the last days of his life with a panoramic view of Deir Yassin
from his house. No Nuremberg judges, no vengeance, no penitence, just a
path of roses all the way to a Nobel Peace prize. Menahem Begin was proud
of the operation, and in his letter to killers he congratulated them for
fulfilling their national duty. "You are creators of Israel’s
history", he wrote. Yitzhak Shamir was also pleased that is helped to
achieve his dream: to expel the nochrim (non-Jews) from the Jewish state.
The field commander of the operation, Judah Lapidot, also
had quite a career. His superior, Menahem Begin, appointed him to run the
campaign for the right of Russian Jews to immigrate to Israel. He called
for compassion and family reunion; he orchestrated the demonstrations in
New York and London, with that memorable slogan ‘Let My People Go’. If
you supported the right of Russian Jews to immigrate to Israel, maybe you
came across this man. By then the blood stains of Deir Yassin had
presumably washed off. For the political indoctrination of Russian
immigrants, he even published a Russian-language ‘version’ of ‘Oh
Jerusalem’, a best seller by Lapierre and Collins, expurgating the story
of Deir Yassin.
But there is yet another reason why this event was
historically significant. Deir Yassin demonstrated the full scope of
Zionist tactics. After the mass murder became known, the Jewish leadership
blamed … the Arabs. David Ben Gurion, the first Prime Minister of
Israel, announced that the Arab rogue gangs perpetrated it. When this
version collapsed, the Jewish leaders began the damage control procedures.
They sent an apology to Emir Abdallah. Ben Gurion publicly distanced
himself and his government from the bloody massacre, saying it stained the
name of every honest Jew and that it was the work of dissident terrorists.
His public relations techniques remain a source of pride for the
good-hearted pro-Zionist ‘liberals’ abroad.
"What a horrible, dreadful story", a humanist
Jew told me when I drove him by the remaining houses of Deir Yassin, then
he added "But Ben Gurion condemned the terrorists, and they were duly
punished".
"Yes", I responded, "they were duly
punished and promoted to the highest government posts".
Just three days after the murder, the gangs were
incorporated into the emerging Israeli army, the commanders received high
positions, and a general amnesty forgave their crimes. The same pattern,
an initial denial, followed by apologies, and a final act of clemency and
promotion, was applied after the first historically verifiable atrocity
committed by Prime Minister Sharon. It was at the Palestinian village of
Qibya, where Sharon’s unit dynamited houses with their inhabitants and
massacred some 60 men, women and children. After the murders became
public, Prime Minister Ben Gurion, at first, blamed rogue Arab gangs. When
that did not wash, he blamed Arab Jews, who, he said, being Arabs by their
mentality, committed the unauthorized wild raid of vengeance and killed
the peasants. For Sharon, it was the usual path of roses all the way to
the post of Prime Minister. It sometimes appears that to become the Prime
Minister of Israel, it helps to have a massacre to your name.
The same pattern was repeated after the massacre of Kafr
Kasem, where the Israeli troops lined up the local peasants and
machine-gunned them down. When the denial failed, and a Communist MPs
disclosed the gory details, the perpetrators were court-martialed and
sentenced to long prison terms. They were out before the end of the year,
while the commander of the murderers became the head of Israel Bonds. If
you ever purchased Israeli Bonds, maybe you met him. I am certain he
washed the blood off his hands by the time he shook yours.
Now, with the passing of 50 years, the Jewish
establishment had decided to, once again, take a stab at "Deir Yassin"
revisionism. The Zionist Organization of America pioneered the art of
denying history and published, at the expense of American taxpayer, a
booklet called ‘Deir Yassin: History of a Lie’. The ZOA revisionists
have utilized all the methods of their adversaries, the ‘Holocaust
deniers’: they discount the eye-witness accounts of the survivors, the
Red Cross, the British police, Jewish scouts and other Jewish observers,
who were present at the scene of massacre. They discount even Ben Gurion’s
apology, since after all, the commanders of these gangs became in turn
prime ministers of the Jewish state. For ZOA, only the testimony of the
murderers has any validity. That is, if the murderers are Jews.
Still, there are just people, and probably because of them
the Almighty does not wipe us off the face of the earth. There is an
organization called Deir Yassin Remembered, which fights all attempts to
erase the memory. They publish books, organize meetings, and they are
working on a project to build a memorial at the scene of the massacre, so
the innocent victims will have this last comfort, their name and the
memory saved forever (Isa 56:5). It will have to do, until the surviving
sons of Deir Yassin and neighboring villages return from their refugee
camps to the land of their fathers.